A Study in the Review of General Psychology Contends That Such Games Are Safe for Most Kids

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J Youth Adolesc. 2017; 46(4): 884–897.

Video Gaming and Children'south Psychosocial Wellbeing: A Longitudinal Report

Adam Lobel

¹Swiss Centre for Affective Sciences, University of Geneva, Chemin des Mines nine, Geneva, 1202 Switzerland

Rutger C. M. E. Engels

²Trimbos Found, Da Costakade 45, Utrecht, 3521VS Netherlands

Lisanne 50. Stone

ⁱⁱⁱOverwaal, Heart for Anxiety Disorders, Pro Persona Tarweweg, Nijmegen, 6534AM Netherlands

William J. Burk

⁴Behavioural Science Establish, Radboud Academy, Montessorilaan, Nijmegen, 6525HR Netherlands

Isabela Granic

⁴Behavioural Science Found, Radboud Academy, Montessorilaan, Nijmegen, 6525HR Netherlands

Received 2016 Nov one; Accepted 2017 Feb 9.

Abstract

The effects of video games on children'due south psychosocial development remain the focus of debate. At ii timepoints, 1 year apart, 194 children (7.27–xi.43 years old; male = 98) reported their gaming frequency, and their tendencies to play vehement video games, and to game (a) cooperatively and (b) competitively; likewise, parents reported their children'south psychosocial health. Gaming at time one was associated with increases in emotion problems. Vehement gaming was non associated with psychosocial changes. Cooperative gaming was not associated with changes in prosocial beliefs. Finally, competitive gaming was associated with decreases in prosocial behavior, merely simply among children who played video games with loftier frequency. Thus, gaming frequency was related to increases in internalizing but not externalizing, attention, or peer problems, vehement gaming was not associated with increases in externalizing bug, and for children playing approximately 8 h or more per calendar week, frequent competitive gaming may be a risk cistron for decreasing prosocial behavior. We fence that replication is needed and that future research should improve distinguish between dissimilar forms of gaming for more than nuanced and generalizable insight.

Keywords: Psychosocial development, Video games, Prosocial behavior, Longitudinal

Introduction

Video games have rapidly go a universal aspect of kid development (Lenhart et al. 2008), and their quick rise to prominence has stimulated scientific research and public concern (Ferguson 2013). With researchers stressing that children may be especially susceptible to the influence of video game playing (Bushman and Huesmann 2006; Lobel et al. 2014a), the effects of video games on children'south psychosocial development remains highly debated. Video games have thus been widely studied every bit a potential cause for ambitious cognitions and beliefs (Anderson et al. 2010; Carnagey and Anderson 2004), emotional problems such as depression (Tortolero et al. 2014), and hyperactivity and inattention (Gentile et al. 2012). In these lines of research, video games are seen as a compelling amusement medium whose clever use of feedback loops and positive reinforcement schedules train unhealthy habits of mind (Gentile and Gentile 2008a, b).

Conversely, researchers take recently begun to look at video games equally a domain for training salubrious habits of mind (Adachi and Willoughby 2012; Granic et al. 2014). From this perspective, many video games reward communication and cooperation besides as resolving negative emotions such as frustration. Moreover, video games seem to provide a context for the fulfillment of cocky-deterministic needs, thereby positively contributing to psychological well-being (Ryan et al. 2006). The current paper adds to the discussion on gaming's positive and negative consequences with data from a longitudinal written report that could address the relations between different forms of video game playing and the psychosocial evolution of children. Here, psychosocial development refers broadly to the psychological and social changes children undergo during evolution, including changes in patterns of internalizing and externalizing problems, attending, and how children chronicle to peers.

Psychosocial Development and Gaming

In a contempo review we argued for the potential of video gaming to beget psychosocial benefits (Granic et al. 2014). This perspective focuses on gaming as a modern and meaningful form of play, and therefore every bit a context where children's developmental needs can exist met (Fisher 1992; Verenikina et al. 2003). Simply as traditional forms of play provide positive contexts for children'due south psychosocial development (Erikson 1977; Piaget 1962; Vygotsky 1978), so too video games seem to afford hope (Adachi and Willoughby 2012; Granic et al. 2014). This promise is in part due to the ubiquity of gaming; with betwixt ninety and 97% of children playing video games (Lenhart et al. 2008), it seems that social development has partly migrated from concrete playgrounds to digital ones. Moreover, video games have get—particularly in the past decade—a more social and emotionally rich entertainment medium. Thus, modern video games may provide a context for children to bond with others and larn the benefits of cooperation.

Notwithstanding despite the potential benefits of gaming for children'due south psychosocial development, scant empirical work has explored these options (Hromek and Roffey 2009; Przybylski and Wang 2016). Instead, there has been a predominant focus on the potential psychosocial dangers of gaming. A recent meta-analysis identified 101 studies that investigated the effects of playing (violent) video games on children'southward and adolescents' psychosocial health. Of these studies, nearly 70 of them assessed whether (violent) video games were related to externalizing problems (such as aggression). In dissimilarity, prosocial behavior (e.chiliad. Gentile et al. 2009) and internalizing bug (such as depression) were each assessed in about twenty studies (east.g. Parkes et al. 2013). Just 9 studies assessed the relation between gaming and attending problems (e.thou. Bioulac et al. 2008) and even fewer investigated the relation between gaming and children'southward peer relationships (east.g. Przybylski 2014).

Several methodological shortcomings are too important to highlight. Starting time, gaming research among children has predominantly been cantankerous-sectional in nature—64 of the 101 studies identified in Ferguson (2015) were correlational. The major limitation of these studies is that they practise not allow inferences about order. Moreover, many of these studies take not controlled for relevant background variables such as socio-economic status (SES) and gender. On the other hand, while experimental studies allow researchers to draw causal inferences, the real-world generalizability of such gaming studies remain debated. Regarding studies on externalizing problems in detail, researchers have questioned the ecological validity of the outcome measures used (see Anderson and Bushman 1997; Ritter and Eslea 2005) and the extent to which these studies used well-matched control conditions (see Przybylski et al. 2014). Beyond these problems, as well-nigh of these experimental studies were run in a single lab session, these experiments do not requite plenty insight into the long-term consequences of playing video games.

Regarding internalizing problems, studies that examine the link between gaming and emotional problems have predominantly focused on "problematic gamers." These are individuals who habitually play for very many hours and show other signs of dependency, such equally avoiding social interactions or obligations in favor of gaming (van Rooij et al. 2011). Among adolescents, such gamers seem to accept elevated depression symptoms compared to their peers (Messias et al. 2011). A recent, large calibration, cross-sectional written report among Canadian adolescents also indicated that video game play was positively associated with symptoms of depression and anxiety (Maras et al. 2015). These findings are consistent with the conclusions made in a review by Kuss and Griffiths (2012). These problems seem to emerge as a upshot of escapism; that is that problematic gamers seem fatigued to gaming equally an escape from real world problems. As a means of escape, gaming may offer temporary lark, only without alleviating existent world distress, excessive gaming may only exacerbate said bug. Withal, the cross-exclusive nature of past studies leaves open whether individuals with internalizing issues retreat to video games as an escape, or whether gaming acts every bit a precursor to these issues. Moreover, niggling is known about the human relationship between gaming and internalizing problems in children due to the scarcity of research amongst this cohort.

Finally, hyperactivity and inattention has been investigated as a detrimental psychosocial outcome of gaming. This research is premised on the perception that video games are fast-paced and offer frequent rewards, thus potentially habituating children to a steady stream of novel, pleasurable stimuli. On the one hand, children with Attentional Arrears Hyperactivity Disorder have been shown to play more video games than their peers (Mazurek and Engelhardt 2013) and Gentile and colleagues (2012) fence that there may be a bidirectional event between attentional problems and gaming. On the other hand, studies among adults testify that activity video games may confer cognitive benefits, including improvements in executive performance (Green and Bavelier 2012). Due to these conflicting findings, and a lack of longitudinal research among children, the extent to which gaming may influence children's attention remains largely unknown.

Prosocial Behavior and Cooperative and Competitive Gaming

The potential influence of video games on social behavior seems especially relevant. This is because, compared to the video games of just two decades ago, gimmicky video games have get increasingly social in nature (Olson 2010). Researchers such as Greitemeyer and Ewoldsen have noted that merely as some games predicate in-game progress on violence, other games predicate progress on prosocial behaviors (Ewoldsen et al. 2012; Greitemeyer and Osswald 2011). For example, many games designed for multiple players characteristic cooperative game modes where players are encouraged to work together with others. A number of studies support the hypothesis that cooperative gaming may promote prosocial behavior (Dolgov et al. 2014; Ewoldsen et al. 2012) and may adjourn aggressive behaviors (Jerabeck and Ferguson 2013; Velez et al. 2014) (although many of these studies feature the sorts of methodological shortcomings mentioned above). In contrast to cooperative gaming, researchers accept also investigated whether competitive gaming promotes aggression and discourages prosocial beliefs (Eastin 2007). For instance, Adachi and colleagues performed a serial of studies to exam the relative extent to which violent content and competitive play each promote aggression (Adachi 2015). Using experimental and longitudinal designs, these studies indicated that in both the short- and long-term, competitive gaming may be a greater predictor of aggressive outcomes than violence lone. Still, cooperative and competitive gaming have withal to be researched in the mode these forms of play most commonly occur in the real earth—in tandem. Thus, while researchers take tried to individually assess the effects of these forms of play, they often co-occur in the real-globe of gaming most children participate. This is because many competitive video games not only let cooperative modes, just the competition in these games is often team-based. Nevertheless, no longitudinal studies to engagement have simultaneously investigated the influence of both cooperative and competitive video game playing; this is of import equally many video games designed for competitive play are as well team-based, and therefore allow for cooperative play as well.

Design and Hypotheses

The present longitudinal study was designed to address the gaps in the literature described above. First, we focused on the potential psychosocial benefits that playing video games may take for children. Thus, in addition to assessing negative outcomes such as externalizing problems, internalizing bug, and hyperactivity and inattention, nosotros also focused on peer relations, and prosocial behavior. 2nd, this study targeted an nether-studied population, namely children betwixt the ages of seven and eleven. Indeed, despite claims that children are particularly vulnerable to the furnishings of video game playing (Bushman and Huesmann 2006), scant longitudinal research has targeted children. Children seem especially susceptible to being influenced past video games because, different adults, they are still in the procedure of forming patterns for how they deal with social and emotional challenges. The behaviors and patterns of mind that are therefore promoted during video game may take a greater touch on on them than on adults. Moreover, as children well-nigh adolescence, their peer network and relationships go increasingly important (Davies 2010). Every bit a event, the social interactions they enact and rehearse during video game play may be of greater relevance for how they interact with their peers in the real earth. Finally, our longitudinal design allowed united states to simultaneously test for both gaming and selection effects; in the former, video game playing may precipitate psychosocial changes, whereas in the latter, children who already evidence psychosocial deficits may select video games as an outlet. Thus, our longitudinal design also allowed us to investigate the tandem development of video game playing and psychosocial wellness.

Five domains of children's psychosocial wellness were assessed at ii timepoints—externalizing issues, internalizing problems, hyperactivity and inattention, peer bug, and prosocial behavior. Given the psychosocial benefits of play, we expected video game playing at the beginning time point to predict decreases in children's (H1) externalizing problems, (H2) internalizing problems, (H3) peer bug, and (H4) overall psychosocial problems by the second time signal. Given the lack of consensus in the inquiry, no predictions were made for the influence of gaming on hyperactivity and inattention, or on prosocial behavior, although exploratory analyses were conducted. We also explored the potential relationships betwixt violent video game content and both externalizing issues and prosocial behavior. Finally, we too hypothesized that (H5a) cooperative gaming at the commencement time indicate would be associated with increases in prosocial behavior, whereas (H5b) competitive gaming at the first time point would be associated with decreases in prosocial behavior.

Method

Participants

Data were collected during home visits 1 yr apart (T1 and T2; days between visits: range 265–510, M = 392.22, SD = 59.05). Participants were recruited from a pool of 298 participants already participating in research which tracked children's psycho-social health (Stone et al. 2010). Parents were contacted via messages sent to their homes and follow-up telephone invitations. At T1, the children's gender was evenly carve up (boys n = 98); 86.6% of parent reporters were female person (northward = 168); with the exception of three adopted mothers and ane adopted father, all parents were the child's biological parent; finally, 96.9% of parents were Dutch (due north = 188), with the others coming from Suriname (n = ane) or nearby European countries (due north = v). The study'southward procedures were approved by the Behavioural Science Institute's Ethical Review Board nether the Radboud University, and informed consent forms were obtained from parents at both timepoints. Descriptive statistics for the sample at T1 and T2 are reported in Tableane. X participants from T1 declined to participate at T2. Additionally, information from 10 parent reports were missing at T2 considering their data was not properly saved by the recording software. With the exception of 5 parents, all parent reports were provided by the aforementioned parent at T1 and T2. Amid parents, education level was low for vi.7%, medium for thirty.4%, and high for 60.three%¹.

Table i

Child and parent demographics at T1 and T2

	Children			Parents
	T1 (n = 194)			T1 (due north = 194)
	Range	Chiliad	SD	Range	M	SD
Age (years)	seven.27–11.43	ix.22	one.xiv	29.95–51.47	41.88	iii.66
	Male	Female		Male	Female
Sex activity	98 (50.5%)	96 (49.five%)		26 (thirteen.iv%)	168 (86.6%)
	T2 (n = 184)			T2 (n = 174)
	Range	G	SD	Range	M	SD
Historic period (years)	8.31–12.68	10.24	1.fourteen	30.68–52.42	42.83	3.76
	Male person	Female		Male	Female
Sex	ninety (48.9%)	94 (51.ane%)		24 (thirteen.viii%)	150 (86.2%)

Procedure

Children provided self-reports during a face-to-face interview with an experimenter. Parents provided their survey responses via an online questionnaire. Families were rewarded a 20 and 30 Euro voucher cheque (per child) for their participation at T1 and T2 respectively.

Measures

Psychosocial wellness

Psychosocial health was measured past parent's reports on the Dutch version of the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ (Goodman 1997); Dutch version (van Widenfelt et al. 2003)). The SDQ uses a iii-betoken Likert scale (0–2 Not true to Very truthful) and is comprised of five sub-scales: (a) internalizing problems, (b) externalizing issues, (c) hyperactivity/inattention, (d) peer relationship bug, and (e) prosocial behavior. Consistent with Rock and colleagues (2010) reliability was calculated using ω; this reliability alphabetize has repeatedly been shown to yield more than accurate estimates than α, particularly so when data are skewed, as is the case with SDQ (Stone et al. 2015; Zinbarg et al. 2005). All sub-scales showed acceptable to good reliability at T1 and T2: (a) internalizing issues (sample: Many worries, often seems worried; ω _T1  = .83; ω _T2 = .81); (b) externalizing problems (sample: Often fights with other children or bullies them; ω _T1  = .75; ω _T2  = .89); (c) hyperactivity/inattention (sample: Restless, overactive, cannot stay notwithstanding for long; ω _T1  = .88; ω _T2  = .89); (d) peer problems (sample: Rather solitary, tends to play alone; ω _T1  = .83; ω _T2  = .68); and (e) prosocial behavior (sample: Shares readily with other children; ω _T1  = .84; ω _T2  = .78). All sub-scales consist of five items with sum scores beingness calculated for each sub-calibration. The SDQ as well includes a total difficulties score, calculated as the sum scores of all scales except for prosocial behavior (ω _T1  = .95; ω _T2  = .95); this reflects children'due south full general psychosocial health. Descriptive statistics for the SDQ measures are presented in Table2.

Table ii

Change in SDQ from T1 to T2

	T1		T2
	1000	SD	Thou	SD
Internalizing issues	i.99	2.1	1.76	1.86
Externalizing bug	1.01	1.39	0.84	1.46
Hyperactivity	two.99	2.55	2.89	2.62
Peer issuesa	1.14	1.63	0.97	1.27
Prosocial behavior	6.77	1.49	6.9	one.31
Full difficultiesb	7.15	5.33	vi.47	4.99

Gaming frequency

Children'southward frequency of video game playing was assessed by: (ane) Parental reports for the number of hours their child plays on average per calendar week; (2) child reports for the number of hours they had played video games during the by week; (3) children's ability to recall their gaming hours across a whole calendar week was scaffolded past an additional measure of gaming frequency: in interviews, children looked over a agenda with the experimenter and indicated for each solar day over the past full calendar week whether or not they had played a video game in the morning, afternoon, and evening. "Video games" were explicitly described to parents and children as any game that tin be played on an electronic device, and several example games were listed.

Descriptive statistics for the frequency measures are presented in Table3. Both parent's and children's reported hours of gaming were Windorized with a cutting-off at 3 SD above the mean (T1: parent reports: Thousand = 5.76, SD = 3.87, outliers n = 4; child reports: M = 4.86, SD = iv.25, outliers n = half dozen. T2: parent reports Thousand = 6.83, SD = 5, outliers n = 2; child reports: M = five.92, SD = five.ix, outliers n = two). Children reported an boilerplate of 7.88 discrete play sessions per calendar week (SD = 4.15) at T1 and 8.11 (SD = 4.78) at T2.

Table iii

Gender differences in gaming frequency at T1 and T2

	Parent hours				Kid hours				Child calendar
	T1		T2		T1		T2		T1		T2
	Chiliad	SD	Thousand	SD	Thousand	SD	1000	SD	M	SD	M	SD
Total	5.67	3.63	6.fourscore	4.90	iv.xc	4.07	5.81	5.48	seven.88	4.15	eight.xi	4.76
Boys	6.75	3.94	eight.26	5.16	five.93	4.21	vii.55	5.85	9.23	3.99	nine.81	2.63
Girls	4.62	2.95	five.47	4.25	3.85	three.67	4.16	iv.54	vi.47	iii.83	half dozen.49	iv.48
	t	p	t	p	t	p	t	p	t	p	t	p
	iv.24	<.001	3.87	<.001	3.65	<.001	4.iv	<.001	iv.99	<.001	5.02	<.001

Moderate correlations were observed across the 3 frequency measures at each fourth dimension point (T1: r ≥ .47, p < .001; T2: r ≥ .41, p < .001). Moderate correlations were also observed within reporters beyond T1 and T2 (parental report: r = .566, p < .001; child written report: hours r = .367, p < .001, calendar r = .485, p < .001). Game frequency was operationalized every bit child reports of hours gaming^two. Equally psychosocial wellness was reported by parents, this ways that our analyses were performed beyond reporters. This is preferred to analyses using only a single reporter as such analyses introduce a potential single source bias (Burk and Laursen 2010; Lobel et al. 2014a).

Vehement gaming

Similar to the methods in Anderson and Dill (2000) and Prot et al. (2014), children were asked to study their favorite video game(s) from the past several weeks. At T1, Minecraft, Super Mario Bros., and Subway Surfer were the almost popularly listed games/franchises, each being reported by 13 children. At T2, the almost popular titles were more various with 46 children listing Minecraft, 21 list a title from the Fifa franchise, and 18 list Mario Party and Hay Solar day each. Trigger-happy gaming was computed as a dichotomous variable; children who listed a violent video game among their favorite games were assigned a ane, and those who did not were assigned a 0. Video games were classified as being violent when gameplay required players to harm other in-game characters.

Cooperative and competitive gaming

Whereas third-political party review boards provide information well-nigh whether a game contains vehement content, the extent to which games are played cooperatively or competitively is not. Trigger-happy content is therefore objectively observable based on a game'south content and design, whereas competitive and cooperative play is more difficult to observe. Following Przybylski and Mishkin (2016), cooperative and competitive gaming were therefore individually assessed by children with a unmarried item using a Likert scale (5-point scale: Never to Every fourth dimension or about every time). Experimenters clearly informed children what was meant by "cooperative" and "competitive" gaming: Children were asked to think about the times that they play video games, and to rate the frequency with which, when playing, they play a game where they take to "work together with others; that the game is cooperative" and "play against others; that the game is competitive".

Planned Analyses

All analyses were performed in R (R Core Team 2013). For preliminary analyses, paired-sample t-tests were used to determine whether children's psychosocial wellness and gaming frequency changed from T1 to T2, independent t-tests were used to determine whether there were gender differences on all variables at both timepoints, and correlations were calculated. To investigate our hypotheses, three sets of structural path models were estimated with the lavaan package (Rosseel 2012). In all models, full data maximum likelihood was used to account for missing values and the Hubert-White covariance adjustment (MLR in lavaan) was practical to standard errors in club to deal with the lack of ordinarily distributed variables.

In the showtime models, cantankerous-lagged console models were estimated to exam H1-H4; that is, whether gaming at T1 would be associated with changes from T1 to T2 on (H1) externalizing problems, (H2) internalizing issues, (H3) peer issues, and (H4) overall psychosocial wellness. Effigyane presents a template model. These models allowed the states to simultaneously test the effects of gaming on psychosocial health, and for the contrary, a selection event of psychosocial wellness at T1 influencing gaming frequency. These aforementioned models were used to explore the human relationship between gaming and changes in attention problems and in prosocial behavior. Our second and third models targeted those children who regularly played video games, divers equally children who played for more than than 1 h per week (95.9% of children, n = 186)^three. We chose to segment out non-gamer children because our hypotheses specifically business organization differences in gaming behavior; that is we intended to determine whether one pattern of gaming beliefs could be beneficial or detrimental compared to other patterns of gaming behaviors. Therefore, for these children nosotros explored (1) whether fierce gaming was associated with changes in acquit problems and in prosocial behavior (Fig.2), and we tested (2) whether: (H5a) playing cooperatively was associated with increases in prosocial beliefs; and (H5b) playing competitively was associated with decreases in prosocial beliefs (Fig.three). All models were saturated (and therefore had zero degrees of freedom).

Cross-lagged panel model testing the bidirectional associations between gaming frequency and psycho-social health. SDQ Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire, Gaming gaming frequency in hours reported by children. Highlighted path reflects hypothesized path. Non depicted: Gender, child'due south age, and parental level of didactics were included as control variables; correlations amid predictor and among outcomes are included in the model

Model testing the associations between gaming frequency, violent gaming, and psychosocial health. SDQ Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire, Gaming gaming frequency in hours reported past children. Highlighted path reflects hypothesized path. Not depicted: Gender, child's age, and parental level of education were included as control variables; correlations amongst predictor and among outcomes are included in the model. This model was run twice, each using a different SDQ subscale, once with the deport problems subscale and once with the prosocial beliefs subscale

Model testing the associations between cooperative and competitive gaming and changes in prosocial beliefs. Gaming Gaming frequency in hours reported by children, Coop Cooperative gaming (mean-centered), Comp competitive gaming (mean-centered), Freq Frequency. Not depicted: Gender, kid's historic period, parental level of education, and trigger-happy video gaming were included as control variables

Results

Preliminary Analyses

Tableii reports the ways and standard deviations for the SDQ at T1 and T2. Peer problems and total difficulties decreased from T1 to T2 (peer: One thousand _T1  = 1.14 SD _T1  = 1.63 vs. Yard _T2  = 0.97 SD _T2  = 1.27, t(173) = 2.09, p = .038; full difficulties: Yard _T1  = 7.15 SD _T1  = v.33 vs. M _T2  = half-dozen.47 SD _T2  = 4.99, t(173) = 2.29, p = .023). Regarding gaming frequency, while children did not report an increase in the number of discrete sessions per calendar week that they played video games (One thousand _T1  = 7.88 SD _T1  = iv.15 vs. G _T2  = 8.xi SD _T2  = 4.78, t(182) = −1.18, p = 0.238), children's hours gaming per week increased according to both parents (M _T1  = five.7 SD _T1  = 3.63 vs. M _T2  = six.8 SD _T2  = 4.9, t(173) = −4.15, p < .001) and children (Chiliad _T1  = 4.9 SD _T1  = 4.07 vs. Chiliad _T2  = 5.82 SD _T2  = 5.48, t(182) = −two.61, p = .01). Tabular arrayfour reports the correlations between all predictor and predicted variables used for hypothesis testing, and Table5 reports the correlations between the control variables used in these models (child's historic period, gender (1 = Male, two = Female person), and parent'due south education level (1 = low, 2 = medium, 3 = high).

Tabular array 4

Correlations between strengths and difficulties questionnaire and gaming measures at both timepoints

			T1–SDQ						T1–gaming				T2–SDQ						T2–gaming
T1			(1)	(2)	(3)	(four)	(5)	(half-dozen)	(7)	(viii)	(ix)	(10)	(1)	(ii)	(3)	(4)	(5)	(6)	(seven)	(eight)	(9)	(10)
SDQ	Intern	(1)	1	0.356‡	0.125	0.462‡	0.065	0.688‡	0.117	−0.088	−0.094	0.027	0.624‡	0.269‡	0.156*	0.390‡	−0.006	0.493‡	0.123	0.044	−0.041	−0.023
	Extern	(2)	–	1	0.314‡	0.407‡	−0.134	0.676‡	0.151*	−0.073	0.012	0.154*	0.382‡	0.646‡	0.388‡	0.283‡	−0.012	0.608‡	0.165*	0.104	0.082	0.060
	Hyper	(3)	–	–	1	0.278‡	−0.127	0.694‡	0.074	−0.023	0.019	0.013	0.144	0.356‡	0.804‡	0.267‡	−0.006	0.648‡	0.063	0.163*	0.064	−0.044
	Peer	(4)	–	–	–	1	−0.121	0.726‡	0.113	0.039	−0.036	0.059	0.337‡	0.354‡	0.231‡	0.638‡	−0.176*	0.513‡	0.101	0.147*	0.057	0.082
	Pros	(5)	–	–	–	–	i	−0.107	−0.151*	−0.035	0.085	−0.034	0.038	−0.065	−0.141	−0.082	0.538‡	−0.100	−0.066	−0.079	−0.140	0.064
	Total	(6)	–	–	–	–	–	1	0.155*	−0.053	−0.035	0.075	0.507‡	0.540‡	0.599‡	0.539‡	−0.062	0.799‡	0.152‡	0.165*	0.052	0.011
Gaming	Freq	(vii)	–	–	–	–	–	–	1	0.092	0.243‡	0.240‡	0.224†	0.219†	0.012	0.120	−0.118	0.184*	0.361‡	0.121	0.216†	0.196†
	Viol (0, 1)	(8)	–	–	–	–	–	–	–	ane	0.103	0.171*	−0.032	−0.010	−0.086	−0.010	0.041	−0.063	−0.009	0.190†	0.005	0.121
	Coop	(nine)	–	–	–	–	–	–	–	–	i	0.275‡	−0.070	0.093	−0.045	−0.105	0.079	−0.049	0.147*	0.175*	0.107	0.246†
	Comp	(x)	–	–	–	–	–	–	–	–	–	1	0.133	0.215†	0.043	0.060	−0.009	0.151*	0.160*	0.179*	0.232†	0.228†

Table 5

Correlations between control variables (historic period, sex, and parental education) and predictor and predicted variables

	T1–SDQ						T1–gaming				T2–SDQ						T2–gaming
	Intern	Extern	Hyper	Peer	Pros	Total	Freq	Viol	Coop	Comp	Intern	Extern	Hyper	Peer	Pros	Total	Freq	Viol	Coop	Comp
Age	0.06	0.01	−0.02	0.17*	0.05	0.35	0.02	0.00	0.09	0.08	−0.06	0.03	−0.07	0.12	0.01	−0.02	0.00	0.05	0.06	0.00
Sex	−0.07	0.thirteen	.20*	−0.13	0.16*	−.twenty*	−0.26‡	−0.26‡	−0.18†	−0.29‡	−0.05	−0.sixteen*	−0.22‡	−0.07	0.20†	−0.19†	−0.31‡	−0.49‡	−0.32‡	−0.27‡
Parental education	−0.03	−0.06	−.16*	−0.13	0.15*	−.14	−0.03	−0.02	0.01	0.00	−0.09	−0.xv*	−.16*	−0.10	0.06	−0.20†	−0.09	−0.eleven	.03	0.29‡

Gender differences were observed at both time points for both the SDQ and gaming frequency (Tablehalf dozen). Regarding the SDQ, parents reported boys, compared to girls, at T1 and T2 equally having more than hyperactivity problems, less prosocial behavior, and more overall difficulties. Parents also reported boys equally having more than deport problems at T2 than girls, but this was not observed at T1. Co-ordinate to parents and children, boys played video games more oft than girls at both T1 and T2. Finally, the popularity of violent video games increased from T1 (due north = 47) to T2 (due north = 64), t(177) = −2.69, p = .008.

Table 6

Gender differences on the strengths and difficulties questionnaire at T1 and T2

	Internalizing				Externalizing				Hyperactivity
	T1		T2		T1		T2		T1		T2
	M	SD	Grand	SD	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD	Thou	SD
Boys	2.thirteen	two.24	2.13	2.24	ane.19	1.48	1.08	1.55	3.five	2.62	3.49	two.63
Girls	1.83	ane.94	i.83	1.94	0.82	1.28	0.61	1.33	2.33	2.49	2.33	2.49
	t	p	t	p	t	p	t	p	t	p	t	p
	0.99	0.32	0.72	0.48	ane.87	0.06	two.15	0.03	two.84	< .01	2.97	< .01

	Peer				Prosocial				Total difficulties
	T1		T2		T1		T2		T111		T2
Boys	1.36	1.65	1.06	1.25	vi.54	1.65	six.63	1.41	8.18	5.22	7.5	four.68
Girls	0.93	1.58	0.89	1.28	7.01	1.27	seven.fourteen	1.16	6.06	5.25	5.5	5.one
	t	p	t	p	t	p	t	p	t	p	t	p
	1.85	0.07	0.89	0.38	−2.2	0.03	−2.half-dozen	<.01	2.82	<.01	2.69	<.01

Gaming and Psychosocial Health

Figurei illustrates the cantankerous-lagged panel models used to test whether gaming at T1 was associated with changes in psychosocial wellness. Contrary to our expectations, (H2) gaming frequency predicted an increment in internalizing problems from T1 to T2 (β _iv  = .137, p = .024). Also reverse to our expectations, gaming was unrelated to (H1) externalizing issues—β ₄  = .092, p = .125; (H3) peer problems—β ₄  = .040, p = .516; and (H4) total difficulties—β _iv  = .039, p = .413. Regarding hyperactivity/inattention and regarding prosocial behavior, gaming frequency was not associated with changes in these variables;—β ₄  = −.053, p = .255, and β ₄  = −.022, p = .727 respectively. None of the psychosocial health measures at T1 were associated with changes in gaming from T1 to T2 (β _three range: 0–0.69, p .299–.944) thus no selection effects were observed. Stability paths for these models ranged from 0.54 to .79 with p ≤ .001 for β ₁ (SDQ across timepoints), and from 0.3 to .31 with p ≤ .001 for β ₂ (gaming frequency beyond timepoints), indicating that the SDQ and gaming frequency were relatively stable across time points, with gaming still showing more variability from T1 to T2.

Tearing Gaming, Conduct Problems, and Prosocial Beliefs

We next explored whether changes in conduct issues and in prosocial behavior would exist associated with violent gaming amongst those children who played games at T1 (see Fig.ii). Tearing gaming was therefore added as a direct result—β ₃ —as was the interaction between gaming frequency (child report)⁴ and violent gaming—β ₄ . In both the carry bug and the prosocial beliefs models, no associations were observed for either violent gaming (carry: β ₃  = 0.017, p = .788; prosocial: β ₃  = 0.091, p = .176) or the interaction term (conduct: β _iv  = −0.122, p = .098; prosocial: β ₄  = −0.081, p = .301)⁵.

Cooperative Gaming, Competitive Gaming, and Prosocial Behavior

Finally, nosotros simultaneously investigated whether changes in prosocial behavior would be (H5a) positively associated with cooperative gaming and (H5b) negatively associated with competitive gaming among those children who played games at T1 (see Fig.3). Cooperative and competitive gaming were added as direct effects—β ₅ and β ₇ respectively—and two interaction terms were added representing the interaction between gaming frequency (child written report)^v and (1) cooperative gaming and (2) competitive gaming—β _vi and β ₈ respectively. Neither cooperative nor competitive gaming at T1 was associated with changes in prosocial behavior (cooperative: β ₃  = .07, p = 0.402; competitive: β _five  = .021, p = 0.813); moreover no meaning interaction was observed betwixt cooperative gaming and gaming frequency on prosocial behavior (β _iv  = .075, p = 0.362). Withal, a meaning interaction was observed between competitive gaming and hours gaming (β ₆  = −.181, p = 0.044). To interpret this interaction, simple slopes analyses were conducted, and the regions of significance were identified using the Johnson-Neyman Technique (Johnson and Fay 1950; Bauer and Curran 2005)⁶. Specifically, slopes for three levels of competitive gaming (−1, 0, and +1 SD; per Bauer and Curran 2005) were plotted—meet Fig.four. The slopes for the lines reflecting low and hateful levels of competitive gaming were not significant; low t = 0.93, p = .352, mean t = −.079, p = .433. The high competitive slope was significant, t = −2.01, p = .047. As marked by the vertical line in the figure, competitive gaming was therefore seen to negatively predict prosocial behavior at T2 only for those who played video games 0.92 standard deviation hours above the mean (K = 4.9, SD = iv.07; thus, 8.82 h per calendar week). Thus, hours gaming at T1 predicted less prosocial behavior at T2 only for those who both gamed more than on average than their peers and who tended to play video games competitively.

Interaction between competitive gaming and gaming frequency predicting changes in prosocial behavior. Values to the right of the vertical line represent cases where prosocial behavior differs beyond groups, and the vertical line marks children who reported playing 8.64 h per calendar week. On the x-axis, −0.5 represents children who reported playing 2.87 h per week, 0 represents children who reported playing the mean number of hours per week (four.9)

Give-and-take

The goal of the nowadays study was to provide insight into the potential influences of playing video games on children'southward psychosocial development. Despite the importance of this topic, few longitudinal studies have been conducted in this field. Moreover, the picayune inquiry amid pre-boyish children has predominantly focused on gaming and children'due south externalizing problems. Moreover, while cooperative and competitive gaming take become a recent focus of attention, no studies have however examined their potential influences while taking into consideration the naturalistic fashion they occur, that is, often in tandem. Thus, in dissimilarity to past work, this report employed a longitudinal design, recruited pre-adolescent children, examined children's psychosocial across multiple domains, and simultaneously explored both cooperative and competitive gaming. Opposite to our expectations that gaming would predict improvements in children's externalizing, internalizing, peer, and overall psychosocial problems, gaming frequency was associated with increases in children'south internalizing issues, and was not associated with other changes. Nosotros likewise explored the potential human relationship betwixt gaming and changes in hyperactivity and inattention, and in prosocial behavior; no relationships were observed. Importantly, no selection furnishings were observed besides; that is, psychosocial health at the report's first time indicate was not associated with changes in gaming frequency. Likewise, children'south preference for fierce video games was neither associated with changes in externalizing problems nor in prosocial beliefs. Finally, while neither cooperative nor competitive gaming were associated with changes in prosocial behavior, frequent competitive gaming amid children who played video games for approximately 8 and a half hours or more per week was associated with declines in prosocial behavior.

For video games, their potential negative influence on children's conduct is mayhap the master concern among the public and within the scientific customs. Violent video games in particular are widely seen as having a deleterious influence on children'southward conduct, giving ascension to ambitious beliefs and discouraging prosocial behavior (Anderson et al. 2010). In this study, however, gaming as a general activity, and vehement video gaming more specifically, were neither associated with a rising in children's externalizing problems nor with a subtract in prosocial behavior. Thus, vehement gaming had no influence in this written report. This outcome aligns this report with a minority of published work showing no effect of violent gaming on anti- or pro-social behavior. One potential reason for this may have to exercise with the report's sample; scant longitudinal studies have tested the influence of violent video games among pre-boyish children.

This outcome may have also been influenced by our operationalizing violent gaming as a dichotomous variable. This method lumped together games that were low and high in tearing content. Our procedure was motivated by the young age of our sample; we expected children to have difficulties rating the intensity and realism of gaming violence. Indeed, such ratings would likely have been either uninformative or a source of bias in our sample. This is because, of the 138 games listed by children in our sample, just seven titles were rated by the Pan European Game Information lath as being unsuitable for children below the age of 16. The low prevalence of highly tearing gaming in our sample may have therefore made it more difficult to observe an association between violent gaming and antisocial outcomes. On the other hand, the observed outcome may offer encouragement given that children who played games with age-appropriate levels of violence did not develop anti-social tendencies when compared to their peers who played non-violent games.

It is important to consider that there was a dramatic change in the prevalence of violent video game play at this study's second wave. By this study's 2nd wave, the number of highly violent games listed by children tripled to 22, and the number of children listing a preference for violent video games increased by nearly 50%. One possibility for this shift is that violent content becomes increasingly of involvement to children as they develop. Violent content could be an avenue for developing children to explore mature themes such as life-and-death. Another possibility is that because highly violent games are restricted to older audiences, these games may also be designed as more challenging and complex than many not-violent games. Tearing games may therefore be attractive for kid gamers looking for greater challenges to see their growing abilities. Finally, children's interest in vehement games may remain constant beyond evolution, nonetheless their admission to vehement games may alter over the class of development. A crucial cistron to consider is therefore parental mediation (Nikken and Jansz 2006). As children get older and gain more autonomy, parental involvement in what their children play may wane. Thus, contrary to our findings, trigger-happy gaming may be detrimental to children—nevertheless, the younger children in our sample may have also been protected from this hazard past virtue of their lack of involvement in, skill with, or admission to violent games. These are important considerations for future inquiry. Thus, the development of children'south motives to play violent video games, the function of these motives, and the role of parental mediation are likely important mediating factors to consider when investigating the furnishings of violent gaming in children (Sweetser and Wyeth 2005).

Against our expectations, gaming frequency was associated with an increment in internalizing problems, such as anxiety and depressive symptoms. Notably, withal, no selection result was observed in our report, thus it was non the case that children experiencing heightened internalizing problems were more than probable to play video games the following year. Internalizing problems seem like an of import domain for futurity research particularly because how gaming enquiry has mostly focused on externalizing problems such every bit aggression. Importantly, this significant finding should too be interpreted with circumspection due to the pocket-sized size of the observed relationship. Still, our finding is consistent with reports that excessive gaming relates to heightened levels of depressive symptoms amongst adolescents (Maras et al. 2015). Anxious and depressive symptoms sally in children who feel a lack of control over their environment (Seligman 2007). 1 possibility is that frequent gaming at a young age trains children against dealing with real world adversity. Because game worlds provide clear rules and the ability to retry challenges the moment they seem too daunting, real earth challenges may seem overwhelming to frequent kid gamers. Several other processes may also be at work here, however. Video games are known to evoke negative emotions, and frustration in detail (Lobel et al. 2014b); negative arousal and feelings of incompetence experienced while gaming may transfer to subsequently. Second, for children, the quality of positive emotion experiences afforded by video games may be inferior to the positive emotion experiences afforded by other more traditional activities. Finally, playing video games may have been associated with other negative outcomes which themselves led to emotion bug. For case, heightened video game play may pb to poor scholastic performance (Hastings et al. 2009) or social isolation (van den Eijnden et al. 2008). The observed association between gaming and internalizing problems may therefore be an indirect consequence of gaming existence associated with other maladaptive behaviors. Time to come studies should therefore examine gaming'due south relation to how children perceive real world arduousness; a more holistic approach that examines the interplay between frequent gaming and other socio-developmental processes also seems warranted.

Gaming was not associated with changes in hyperactivity and inattention. To our knowledge, this is just the second study to examine this hypothesis with a longitudinal design (encounter Gentile et al. 2012). With regards to attentional skills, it is possible that video games equally a whole was too wide a predictor. Indeed, video games offer a wide diverseness of interactions and operate nether a variety of reward schedules. Regarding hyperactivity and inattention, it seems relevant to distinguish video games based on the duration of play per session intended by the designer, and perhaps the speed and intensity of visual and auditory stimulation. Indeed, while some games are designed to exist played in short bursts, others are designed for all-encompassing sessions; and while some games bombard the histrion's senses and require rapid inputs, others take a slower footstep and allow players to exist idle for long periods (Fullerton 2014). Our study did non distinguish between different types of video games, largely considering at the immature age that we assessed children, there was very picayune variability in the types of games children played. But information technology may be that some game types may be detrimental (such every bit games which constantly offering short-term rewards), whereas others may be beneficial (such every bit action video games that vary these reward schedules), and that these effects may have cancelled each other out, even in our limited sample. Coding games based on their cognitive load and reward schedules poses several big challenges, for example: specific titles may be highly variable in their complexity because this may increase with player progress. Nosotros therefore recommend future enquiry to anticipate video games based on their attentional demands and their reward schedules and to draw new hypotheses based on these factors. Experimental designs seem peculiarly suitable; this is considering researchers can work with designers to finely and objectively manipulate the specific features of game titles that may give rise to attentional deficits or improvements (due east.1000. Anguera et al. 2013).

Finally, habitually playing competitive video games was only associated with a pass up in prosocial behavior among children who played video games competitively for about 8 or more than hours per calendar week. This was establish when controlling for cooperative gaming, which often co-occurs with competitive gaming, and which has been establish to promote prosocial behavior (Gentile et al. 2009). This pattern may be due to the fact that in multiplayer games competitive goals often seem to accept precedence over cooperative goals. In these games cooperation is oft but a means to better compete against an opposing team; thus, the overarching goal of play in these games remains contest. Here over again nosotros stress the importance of replication and of developing and using measures that are sensitive to the diversity of social dynamics across unlike games. Given that many existing multiplayer games let players to choose roles with either greater focus on cooperation or competition (due east.g. that of a medic or a striker), experimental studies could exist of item benefit.

This study'south limitations are important to consider. Showtime, equally already discussed, this study examined the potential influence of video games in a broad sense. Modern video games encompass a highly various gear up of interactions (Granic et al. 2014), and even games inside the same genre may engage players in diverse means. Nosotros therefore stress the importance of more granular tests of specific forms of gaming. Second, to partly address this issue, this report besides examined gaming more specifically in terms of social dynamics. To do so, we used unstandardized assessments, given at that place were no validated options. That is, our cooperative, and competitive gaming measures utilized single-item questions for their evaluation. While this is in line with other recent studies in this field (e.yard. Przybylski and Mishkin 2016), validated measures are preferred. This limitation is noteworthy despite the fact that these questions were answered during an interview session with trained experimenters. Third, nosotros nerveless data but 1 year apart from each other; this is a relatively curt term for child development. Finally, a total of six models were run for relating gaming to the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire, a further ii models were run to examine fierce gaming, and some other model was run to examine changes in prosocial behavior. Given this multiple testing, and the relatively small size of the betas that were of significance, the findings in this study should exist taken with some caution and should exist replicated before strong decision can be made.

Conclusion

Video games did non seem to pose impairment for well-nigh domains of children's psychosocial development. Parents should be particularly attentive to potential increases in children'south internalizing problems as a event of video game playing. The deleterious effects of vehement video game play remains a highly debated topic, with this written report not lending support for the influence of violent gaming on externalizing problems or on prosocial behavior. While cooperative gaming seems unrelated to prosocial behavior in our sample, frequent gamers who also tend to play competitively may exist at take a chance for behaving less prosocially. Finally, this field would benefit greatly from validated measures that quantify or categorize the types of social and emotional processes beingness activated past different games and game types, and that accurately measure the social environment of video game sessions.

Acknowledgements

This report was funded past the Behavioural Science Found, Radboud University Nijmegen.

Authors' Contributions

A. L. was the atomic number 82 author, and therefore wrote and revised the manuscript. A. L. oversaw and performed information collection; this means that A. 50. managed the researchers who collected information, and that he as well nerveless data from participants. A. L. performed all the analyses described in the manuscript; this means that A. L. managed the data in this written report, and authored and ran all scripts used to clarify the data. R. East. and I. One thousand. conceived of the report; this means that they initiated this longitudinal research project. R. E. and I. Chiliad. participated in the study'south blueprint and coordination; this means that, together with A. Fifty., R. E. and I. G. were involved in the selection of measures used in this written report and in devising the data drove procedure. R. E. and I. G. gave instrumental feedback on the manuscript; equally the thesis supervisors to A. L., R. E. and I. G. commented on and provided edits to this manuscript at multiple stages. 50. South. was instrumental in the report's recruitment and design; this study was a straight follow-up to a previous study conducted by L. S., who was responsible for recruiting and retaining the participants of this report, which allowed for them to be recruited for this written report. L. S. therefore also helped blueprint this study, having laid the groundwork for some of the measures used here. L. S. was also actively involved in the writing of this manuscript, providing important feedback on the manuscript. W. B. provided expertise for information assay and the estimation of results. W. B. was A. L.'s direct contact for statistical back up on this projection. W. B. walked A. Fifty. through the statistical background for the models used in this study, provided A. L. with the necessary information for installing and properly employing the R packages used for the analyses, double-checked the outcomes of the report'southward findings based on the models used, and provided input for the proper estimation of the findings. All authors read and canonical the terminal manuscript.

Compliance with Ethical Standards

The experimenters complied with the upstanding standards for attaining and managing information from developed and minor participants as are monitored by the Behavioural Science Institute's Upstanding Review Board. Participants were informed as to their rights every bit volunteer participants and were informed regarding who they could contact if they felt their rights had been breached. No complaints were filed.

Biographies

Adam Lobel

is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Geneva's Swiss Center for Melancholia Sciences. He attained his PhD at the Behavioural Scientific discipline Institute, where he was affiliated when the enquiry presented here was conducted. Adam'due south research interests are primarily focused on the effects of gaming on mental health and emotion regulation skills.

Professor Rutger C. M. E. Engels

is the president of the Trimbos Institute, and Professor at the Behavioural Science Institute. His inquiry interests include developmental psychopathology, and in particular, smoking and drinking habits and addiction in adolescent populations.

Lisanne Stone

is a clinical psychologist at Pro Persona, and a former PhD at the Radboud University'south Behavioural Science Found. Her research interests include anxiety and depression in children, and the psychometric quality of measurements used to appraise these internalizing problems.

William J. Burk

is an Banana Professor at the Developmental Psychology at the Radboud Academy's Behavioural Scientific discipline Establish. His enquiry interests include the role of peers in booze use among adolescents, statistical modeling, and psychometrics.

Professor Isabela Granic

is the Chair of the Developmental Psychopathology Section at the Radboud University's Behavioural Science Institute and the head of that department'south Games for Emotional and Mental Health Lab. He research interests include dynamic systems, and the effects of gaming on mental wellness.

Notes

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that they accept no competing interests.

Ethical Approval

The study'south procedures were approved by the Behavioural Science Institute's Ethical Review Board under the Radboud University. Protocol number: ECG 26062012.

Informed Consent

Informed consent forms were attained from all participants at both of this study's fourth dimension points. Parents provided consent for the collection and use of both their own information and that of their children.

Footnotes

ⁱSecondary and higher pedagogy in kingdom of the netherlands is stratified. Here, low refers to individuals who completed the lowest level of secondary school, a vocational schoolhouse track until the historic period of sixteen; medium refers to individuals who completed a more avant-garde vocational track until the age of 17; and high refers to individuals with a academy-level education, having attained a Available's degree or higher.

²Analyses using parent reported hours yielded the same pattern of results.

³The observed blueprint of results remained the same when only including children who played for more than than two (86.08%, n = 167) or more 3 h (75.77%, due north = 147) per calendar week.

⁴The blueprint of results remained the aforementioned when the interaction term was determined by parental reports of children'southward gaming.

⁵In coding games as existence trigger-happy or not, fierce games included titles ranging from mild cartoon violence such equally Super Mario Bros.—and titles with more graphic violence—such as games from the Halo, Call of Duty, and Grand Theft Auto franchises. There was some word regarding Minecraft (frequency: T1 = 16; T2 = 45). In the reported analyses, Minecraft was non classified as a violent video game (despite the game assuasive players to fend off "zombies"). We also re-ran the analyses with Minecraft coded as a violent video games: The design of results remained the aforementioned in the externalizing problems model, and in the prosocial behavior model a master event of violent gaming was observed, such that violent gaming at T1 was associated with an increase in prosocial behavior.

⁶The Johnson-Neyman Technique was performed using resource provided by Preacher, Curran, & Bauer (http://quantpsy.org/interact/mlr2.htm).

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5346125/

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